References for The Location and Identification of Ancient Shikhin

[1] Heinrigh Grätz, Geschichte der Juden vom Undergang der judischen Staates bis zum Abschluss des Talmuds (Berlin: Beit und Comp., 1853), vol. III, p. 123, n.2.

[2] Adolph Neubauer, La Géographie du Talmud (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1967 = 1868), p. 202.

[3] C.R.Conder and H.H. Kitchener, The Survey of Western Palastine, Vol. I. Sheets I.-VI Galilee. (London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1881 and Jerusalem: Kedem, 1970), p. 352: "Tell Beideiwiyeh...a large mound with ruins of a small Khan and a well at its foot."

[4] A. Schlatter, "Einige Ergebnisse aus Nieses Ausgabe des Josephus," ZDPV 19 (1896), pp. 221-232, esp. p. 224: "Der vokalische Anlaut erscheint in derselben Weise auch bei Asochis = shichinohne Schwankung."

[5] W. Oehler, "Die Ortschaften and Grenzen Galiläas nach Josephus," ZZDPV 27 (1905), pp. 1-26 and 49-74.

[6] Peter Thomsen, Loca Sancta: Verzeichnis der im 1. bis 6. Jahrhundert nach Christi erwähnten Ortschaften Palästinas mit besonderer Berüchsichtigung der Lokalisierung der biblischen Stätten (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1966 = 1907), pp. 29 and 105.

[7] Beiträge zur Geographie und Geschichte Galiläas (Leipzig: Rudolph Haupt, 1909), pp. 63-70.

[8] Neue Beiträge zur Geographie and Geschichte Galilaäs (Vienna: Menorah, 1923), p. 6; Palästina-Studien (Vienna: Menorah, 1923); idem., Various Essays on the Exploration of the Land of Israel (Vienna: Menorah, 1924), pp. 20-21 (Hebrew) ; idem., Galiläa von der Makkabäerzeit bis 67 (Vienna: Menorah, 1928), p. 16., idem., Das taanitische Grenzverzeichnis Palästinas (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College, 1928), Sepher ha-Yishuv (Jerusalem: Palestine Historical and Ethnological Society, 1939), p. 154f., 163 (Hebrew).

[9] W.F. Albright, BASOR 11 (1923), P. 11.

[10] Gustaf Hermann Dalman, Sacred Sites and Ways (London: SPCK, 1935), pp. 103-104.

[11] Ladislaus Szczepanski, Geographica Historica Palaestinae Antiquae (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1929), p. 205: "Asochis urbs asochis polis [=tsichin(sic)]= Tell el-Bedawwiyye (?)..."

[12] Michael Avi-Yonah, Map of Roman Palestine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1940); idem., The Holy Land from the Persian to the Arab conquest (536 B.c. - A.D. 640: A Historical Geography (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House; 1966, 1977), p. 67; idem., Gazetteer of Roman Palestine, Qedem 5 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1976).

[13] Felix Marie Abel, Géographie de la Palestine (Paris: J. Gabalda, 1967 = 1933), vol. I, p. 409.

[14] Isaiah Press, Topographical-Historical Encyclopedia of the Land of Israel (Jerusalem: Rubin Mass, 1955), vol. 3, p. 495 (chefer sichin) and 502 (chefer shichin) and esp. vol. 4, pp. 900-901 (shichin) [Hebrew].

[15] Samuel Klein, Galilee: Geography and History of Galilee from the Return from Babylonia to the Conclusion of the Talmud completed (sic) from the literary remains of the author and edited by Professor Yehuda Elitzur, Mossad Harav Kook, 1967, p. 16. [Hebrew]

[16] Bellarmino Bagatti, Antichi villaggi cristiani de Galilea, Pubblicazioni della Studio Biblico Francescano, Collezione minore, 13, (Jerusalem: Tipografica dei PP. Francescani, 1971).

[17] Stuart S. Miller, Studies in the History and Traditions of Sepphoris, Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity, ed. by Jacob Neusner, vol. 37 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1984). Z. Safrai, The Galilee in the Time of the Mishna and Talmud, second edition. Jerusalem, 1985, pp. 44-45 [Hebrew].

[18] Gottfried Reeg, Die Ortsnamen Israels nach der rabbinischen Literature,, Beiheft zum Tübingen Atlas des Vorderen Orients B:51 (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1989), pp. 601-602.

[19] Aapeli Saarisalo, "Topographical Researches in Galiee," Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 9 (1929), pp. 27-49, esp. pp. 34-36.

[20] Saarisalo, op. cit. p. 35. It is also at least possible that Saarisalo found our site, but found his notes confusing when he returned home to Finland.

[21] Yalqut ha-Pirsumim (Jerusalem: Ministry of Antiquities, 1964), p. 1379, supplements 1965, 1967, and 1969. Reeg notes that Saarisalo proposed a new identification with "H. al-Lôn" at map coordinates 174 245, but appends a question mark. See Die Ortsnamen Israels, p. 602.

[22] Karl Heinrich Rengstorf, A Complete Concordance to Flavius Josephus (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1973, ad. loc.) See also Christa Möller and Götz Schmitt, Siedlungen Palästinas nach Flavius Josephus, Beihefte zum Tübingen Atlas des Vorderen Orients, B:14 (Wiesbaden, Reichert, 1976), p. 28f.

[23] Both in the Bible and in the Hellenistic Periods and languages, the terms "city" and "village" are used without any absolute precision: C. C. McCown, "City," Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible A-D (New York and Nashville: Abingdon, 1962), 632. For Western imperial terminology on types of cities, see John Stambaugh, The Ancient Roman City (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989 [1988], pp. 243-254.

[24] Avigdor Tcherikover, "Was Jerusalem a Polis?" IEJ 14 (1964), pp. 61-78, especially 78.

[25] For Sepphoris and Tiberius as poleis and their administration, see Martin Goodman, State and Society in Roman Galilee, A.D. 132-212 (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman and Allanheld, 1983), pp. 129-30 and Shaye J. D. Cohen, Josephus in Galilee and Rome (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979), pp. 138-39. The political independence of the Hellenistic city is often stressed as one of its main characteristics: A. H. M. Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, Second edition (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971), p. 257; Shimon Applebaum, "When Did Scythopolis Become a Greek City?" in Judaea in Hellenistic and Roman Times. Historical and Archaeological Essays (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1989), pp. 1,5.

[26] For Philo's corroborating evidence of Jerusalem as the Jewish metropolis, see Y. Amir, "Philo's Version of the Pilgrimage to Jerusalem," in Jerusalem in the Second Temple Period, ed. by A. Oppenheimer, U. Rappaport, M. Stern (Jerusalem: Yad Izak Ben-Zvi and Ministry of Defence) P. IX (Hebrew, pp. 154-69).

[27] Hence in the Old Testament the villages of a city are called its "daughter" (McCown, "City," 633). For the Roman period, see Goodman, State p. 130; Lee I. Levine, Caesarea Under Roman Rule (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1975), p. 17.

[28] But here it must be remembered that, aside from the Decapolis cities, cities in the Holy Land did not have the full independence of the Greek polis. Tiberias, for example, was more of a royal city than a Hellenistic one: Richard Horsley, "Bandits, Messiahs, and Longshoremen: Popular Unrest in Galilee Around the Time of Jesus," in Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers (Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1988), p. 195 and Shimon Applebaum, "Hellenistic Cities of Judae and its Vicinity--Some new Aspects," in The Ancient Historian and his Materials: Essays in Honor of C.E. Stevens on his Seventieth Birthday (Westmead, England: Gregg International and D.C. Heath, 1975), p. 64. Thus also a town like Sepphoris is a Jewish city with a Greek constitution: Shimon Applebaum, "Jewish Urban Communities and Greek Influences" in Judaea, p. 44, and in the Holy Land as in the Diaspora, the Roman seem to have preferred mixed constitutuions in guaranteeing various internal ethnic groups (especially the Jews) their rights: cf. Aryeh Kasher, "The Isopoliteia Question in Caesarea Maritima, Jewish Quarterly Review68 (1977), pp. 24, 26.

[29] So also Goodman, State, p. 28.

[30] Though in the Bible the city is considered to be larger and walled and hence differing from a village, over time a village could grow, and become fortified: C.U. Wolf, "Village" in the Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible R-Z (New York and Nashville, 1962), p. 784.

[31] Or, conversely, a number of towns with no known status show well-developed municipal organizations in Talmudic literature--Gamla of Josephus' day being sucha an example: Applebaum, "Jewish Urban Communities," p. 42 and "Romanization and Indiginism in Judaea," in Judaea, p. 161. For the problem of telling in Josephus what should be classed as a city and what as a village, see the brief mention by Sean Freyne, Galilee, Jesus, and the Gospels: Literary Approaches and Historical Investigations ({Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1988}), p. 145 and n. 25.

[32] For the concept of a small town or "townlet in the Mishnaic or Talmudic literature, see Applebaum, "Jewish Urban Communities," 42; Freyne, Galilee, p. 145, and Goodman, State, pp. 28-29. This literature has a wider and more precise range of terms than Josephus.

[33] Josephus uses this term in a compound-form only one time of the site of Capethra in Idumaea, which he calls a pseudopolichvion (B. 4, 552). Goodman (State, p. 28) considers this passage an example of Josephus' ability to use precise terminology on occasion.

[34] The most complete discussion of the texts is in David Adan-Bayewitz, Common Pottery in Roman Galilee: A Study of Local Trade (Ramat-Gan: Bar Ilan University, in press), Chapter 1.

[35] See Samuel Klein, Beiträge, pp. 63-70. See also Samuel Klein, editor, Sepher ha-Yishuv, pp. 154-5.

[36] Danier Sperber treats this story without identifying Shikhin in Roman Palestine 200-400, the Land (Ramat-Gan: Bar Ilan University, 1978), p. 29, n. 42.

[37] Wilhelm Bacher, Die Agada der Palästinensischen Amoräer, vol. III. Die letzen Amoräer des heiligen Landes vom Anfange des 4. bis zum Anfange des 5. Jahrhunderts (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1965 = 1916), p. 465, n. 5. Cf. y Sota 18b, Gen Rab c.12, and t B. Kamma 6.5.

[38] Adapted from Stuart S. Miller, Studies in the History and Traditions ofSepphoris, p. 31. The parallel text in y Nedarim 4.9G is as follows: "There was a case in which a fire broke out in the courtyard of Jose b. Simai in Shikhin, and the soldiers of the camp of Sepphoris came down to put it out. But he did not let them do so." For the parallel text see t Shabbat 13.9.

[39] t Nidda VIII.6 = p. 649 line 37 and p. 650.

[40] See Avi-Yonah, Gazateer, p. 91.

[41] Arye Ben-David, Talmudische Ökonomie: Die Wirtschaft des jüdischen Palästina zur Zeit der Mischna und des Talmud, Vol. I (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1974), Table 17, pp. 344-345.

[42] Haim Hermann Cohn, "Weights and Measures" in the Encyclopedia Judaica (Jerusalem: Keter, 1972), cols. 376-392, esp. 390.

[43] Klein, Beiträge, p. 68. For the identification of Rabbinic Shikhin with Josephus' Asochis and with modern Tell el-Bedawiye (now called Tell Hannaton on modern Hebrew maps at map ref. 174 243), see Avi-Yonah, Gazetteer, p. 33.

[44] Klein, Beiträge, p. 69. Compare Marcus Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, The Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature. New York: The Judaica Press, 1992, p. 1559 ("ditch").

[45] Klein, Beiträge, pp. 69-70. Klein offers the observation, "Der Name shichin oder shichim ist ohne Zweifel von den in dem Orte sich befindlichen Gruben hergenommen." According to t Nidda VIII.6, cited above, there were pits and caves in Shikhin, which correlates with its name. See also Klein, Various Essays, pp. 20-21 [Hebrew].

[46] Ehud Netzer, Greater Herodium, Qedem 13 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1981).

[47] The survey was conducted under the direction of Thomas R. W. Longstaff, Associate Director of the University of South Florida's Excavations at Sepphoris who also served as the survey photographer. Steve B. Womble, Jr. was surveyor; Ronald C. Levy and Douglas R. Edwards were surveyor's assistants.

[48] Features 88035 through 88045, inclusive, were located on the hill immediately to the south of the first hill surveyed. Not all of the features on this hill were identified and plotted.

[49] The work described in this section was supported by the Director, Office of Energy Research, Office of Basic Energy Sciences, Chemical Sciences Division of the U. S. Department of Energy under contract No. DE-AC03-76F00098.

[50] David Adan-Bayewitz, Manufacture and Local Trade in the Galilee of Roman-Byzantine Palestine: A Case Study. The Hebrew University Dissertation, 1985; idem., Common Pottery in Roman Galilee: A Study of Local Trade. Ramat-Gan: in press (henceforth reference will be made to the latter work); idem. and I Perlman, "Local Pottery Provenience Studies: A Role for Clay Analysis," Archaeometry 27 (1985), pp. 203-217.

[51] The method is presented in I. Perlman and F. Asaro, "Pottery Analysis by Neutron Activation," Archaeometry, 11 (1969), pp. 21-52. A large number of studies employing these techniques have since been published.

[52] On the compatibility of the analytical data from these two facilities see J. Yellin, I. Perlman, F. Asaro, H. V. Michael, and D. F. Mosier, "Comparison of Neutron Activation Analysis from the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory and the Hebrew University," Archaeometry, 20 (1978), pp. 95-100.

[53] See Adan-Bayewitz, in press (above, n. 47), chapter IX.

[54] See David Adan-Bayewitz and I. Perlman, "TheLocal Trade of Sepphoris in the Roman Period," IEJ, 40 (1990), pp. 153-72.

[55] See J. F. Strange and T. R. W. Longstaff, "Sepphoris (Sippori), 1983," IEJ 34 (1984), pp. 51-52; idem., "Sepphoris (Sippori), 1985 (II)," IEJ 35 (1985), pp. 297-299; idem., "Sepphoris (Sippori), 1986 (II)," IEJ 37 (1987), pp. 278-280; J. F. Strange, D. E. Groh, and T. R. W. Longstaff, "Sepphoris (Sippori), 1987," IEJ 38 (1988), pp. 188-190. A large part of this residential area has since been exposed around the fortress, both by the University of South Florida Excavations at Sepphoris and by the Joint Expedition to Sepphoris, the latter directed by E. M. Meyers, E. Netzer, and C. L. Meyers. See Meyers, et. al. "Sepphoris (Sippori), 1985 (I)," IEJ 35 (1985), pp. 295-297; idem., "Sepphoris (Sippori), 1986 (I)--Joint Sepphoris Project," IEJ 37 (1987), pp. 275-278; idem., "Sepphoris, 'Ornament of All Galilee,'" BA 49 (1986), pp. 4-19; idem., "Artistry in Stone: The Mosaics of Ancient Sepphoris," BA 50 (1987), pp. 223-231.

[56] See Adan-Bayewitz and Perlman, above n. 48, Fig. 3:1, 2. Note that the serving bowl is called "bowls with carinated sides" at Jalame: Gladys D. Weinberg, ed., Exacavations at Jalame: Site of a Glass Factory in late Roman Palestine (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1988), Fig. 7-30, p. 183. The same bowl appears at Khirbet Shema: Eric M. Meyers, A. T. Kraabel, and James F. Strange, Ancient Synagogue Excavations at Khirbet Shema, Upper Galilee, Israel, AASOR 42 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1976), pp. 205-206 and pl. 7:17:15-20. An intact example has been published from Nazareth: B. Bagatti, The Excavations at Nazareth (Jerusalem: Franciscan, 1969), No. 7 in Fig. 231 on p. 295 and the discussion on p. 296. One intact, unpublished example was found at Sepphoris in 1985. Three handles were attached to its rounded base as feet.

[57] Adan-Bayewitz and Perlman, above, n. 51.

[58] Ibid., Fig. 3:3.

[59] See Adan-Bayewitz and Perlman, above, n. 51.

[60] For a discussion of those texts see Adan-Bayewitz, in press (above, n. 44), Chapter I.3. The stand is proposed by Rabbi Nehemiah; cf. t. Kelim Bava Kama 2.2 and Sifra Shemini 7.3, where R. Nehemiah is concerned with the measure of parts of other vessels. The measures of other storage jars of known manufacture are cited as halachic standards in a tannaitic text of slightly earlier date, see m Kelim 2.2.

[61] For descriptions of pottery wasters and firing faults, see O. S. Rye, Pottery Technology: Principles and Reconstruction, Washington, D. C., 1981, pp. 110-114.

[62] Data for a number of the pottery pieces were obtained at the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory with a different reactor than previously used, and it was not possible to achieve the precision of measurement previously obtained. The best precision obtainable is 2.5%. This, however, does not affect the provenience determinations. Ca and Ti have not been measured with the present procedures.

[63] See also Adan-Bayewitz and Perlman, above, n. 51, Table 3, Column 1.

[64] In a normal distribution, as is assumed to be the case for the elements in pottery, about 68% of the values lie within one standard deviation, about 95% are within two standard deviations, and about 5% lie beyond those two standard deviations.

[65] See Adan-Bayewitz and Perlman, above, n. 51. Two other pottery groups whose compositions were diluted with respect to Group 1 but match that Group after the compositions are normalized are also discussed there.

[66] These analyticaal data will be presented by the authors in a separate study on the Shikhin pottery provenance group.

[67] E. M. Meyers, J. F. Strange, and C. L. Meyers, Excavations at Ancient Meiron, Upper Galilee, Israel, 1971-72, 1974-75, 1977. Meiron Excavation Project, Vol. III. (Cambridge: ASOR, 1981), pl. 8.15:9, though the Meiron example has light ribbing on the neck.

[68] Paul W. Lapp, Palestinian Ceramic Chronology: 200 BC - AD 70. ASOR Publications of the Jerusalem School, Archaeology: Vol. III (New Haven: ASOR, 1961), p. 163.

[69] Meiron, Pl. 8.10:15.

[70] Ruth Amiran, Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land (Ramat Gan: Massada Press, 1969), Pl. 75:18, a cooking pot from Megiddo IV.

[71] Walter E. Rast, edited by Albert E. Glock, Taanach I: Studies in the Iron Age Pottery. ASOR Excavation Reports, ed. David Noel Freedman (Cambridge: ASOR, 1978), Fig. 76:6, a cooking pot of red ware and of outside diameter at the rim of 26 cm.

[72] Rast, Taanach I, Fig. 10:2, and Fig. 35:1.

[73[ Stanislao Loffreda, Cafarnao II: La Ceramica (Jerusalem: 1974), p. 29, Photo 2, and Fig. 2.

[74] Cafarnao II, Fig. 6, nos. 8-14.

[75] Cafarnao II, p. 34, Fig. 4, and Photo 5.

[76] See previous note. [77] Cafarnao II, p. 26 and Fig. 1.

[78] Klein, Beiträge, p. 69. Compare Marcus Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, The Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature. New York: The Judaica Press, 1992, p. 1559 ("ditch").

[79] Klein, Beiträge, pp. 69-70. Klein offers the observation, "Der Name shichin oder shichim ist ohne Zweifel von den in dem Orte sich befindlichen Gruben hergenommen." According to t Nidda VIII.6, cited above, there were pits and caves in Shikhin, which correlates with its name. See also Klein, Various Essays, pp. 20-21 [Hebrew].

[80] Ehud Netzer, Greater Herodium, Qedem 13 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1981).

Thomas R. W. Longstaff <t_longst@colby.edu>